KUALA LUMPUR, 2 Nov (Bernama) -- Timbalan Perdana Menteri Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak, yang menang tanpa bertanding jawatan Presiden UMNO selepas mendapat 138 pencalonan bagi jawatan itu hari ini, menyatakan keazaman untuk menggalas amanah dan tanggungjawab yang diberikan oleh akar umbi UMNO.
Beliau percaya pencalonan itu mencerminkan kehendak dan keyakinan akar umbi terhadap pelan peralihan kuasa yang telah dipersetujui bersama Perdana Menteri dan Presiden UMNO Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi.
"Saya berazam untuk menggalas amanah dan tanggungjawab ini dengan sebaik mungkin bagi menangani segala cabaran yang sedang dihadapi oleh UMNO dan BN.
"Saya bersyukur dan terharu di atas kepercayaan yang telah diterjemahkan dalam bentuk pencalonan oleh 134 bahagian yang telah bersidang, sekali gus menandakan kemenangan tanpa bertanding bagi jawatan Presiden UMNO," kata beliau dalam laman blognya 1Malaysia.com.my. - BERNAMA
http://www.bernama.com/bernama/v5/bm/newspolitic.php?id=368856
Beliau percaya pencalonan itu mencerminkan kehendak dan keyakinan akar umbi terhadap pelan peralihan kuasa yang telah dipersetujui bersama Perdana Menteri dan Presiden UMNO Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi.
"Saya berazam untuk menggalas amanah dan tanggungjawab ini dengan sebaik mungkin bagi menangani segala cabaran yang sedang dihadapi oleh UMNO dan BN.
"Saya bersyukur dan terharu di atas kepercayaan yang telah diterjemahkan dalam bentuk pencalonan oleh 134 bahagian yang telah bersidang, sekali gus menandakan kemenangan tanpa bertanding bagi jawatan Presiden UMNO," kata beliau dalam laman blognya 1Malaysia.com.my. - BERNAMA
http://www.bernama.com/bernama/v5/bm/newspolitic.php?id=368856
12 comments:
Dear Ruhanie,
Its going to be an akward period for Najib this few months.Having the post but without power.Najib will be seen weak in the eyes of UMNO members and also the public as a whole.AAB can say anything but Najib has to keep quiet since power is not vested on him yet,thus showing the weakness of the President nominated.
UMNO has to bring ahead the power transition of the President at least.PM's post can be later since it involves the Agong's appointment.
baguih laa kalau berazam nak galas amanah dan kepercayaan akar umbi nanti jangan la pula bila dah jadi dok pi galas segala apa yang boleh di-galas sebab kita pun maklum bahawa semua pemimpin-pemimpin united malays national organsation ni ada lah PENCURI BESAR,telah mencuri segala hasil negara dan hak-hak rakyat sejak 51 tahun... kalau dia boleh galas tanggung jawab untuk HIDUPkan SOSIALISMA lagi baguih...
Salam Datuk,
Semua pemimpin yg mau dan telah naik pernah berjanji buat yg terbaik.
Berjanji senang, nak tunaikan susah.
Orang yg takut atau tidak mudah berjanji itu ini biasanya lebih berjaya menunaikan janji.
PERCAYALAH, ORANG MUDAH BERJANJI SELALUNYA GAGAL MENUNAIKAN JANJI.
Mereka yang mudah berjanji sebenarnya tidak faham dengan tanggunjawab 'JANJI' itu sendiri.
Sebab itu bagi orang yg benar2 faham mengenai tuntutan janji, mereka tidak mudah berjanji.
Sedangkan janji kita dengan Tuhan setiap hari dimungkiri!
Sdr Ruhanie Ahmad,
Qadha Dan Qadar
(illa ma 'alamtana bihi rabbi)
C. Signs
(you follow or just ignore them)
"Beliau percaya pencalonan itu mencerminkan kehendak dan keyakinan akar umbi terhadap pelan peralihan kuasa yang telah dipersetujui bersama Perdana Menteri dan Presiden UMNO Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi."
Following the penetration of cultural studies and the humanities by the legacy of Saussure, Peirce has now been ‘re-invented’ by a diverse group of scholars but not exclusively associated with the university of Chicago (cf. Sebeok 1997). Semiotics has become widely known as the ‘science of signs’ or, if not a science, it is a method of unveiling signification in the production of signs (Eco 1979: 32, 1999: 12). Saussure and Peirce, the two founders of semiotics, were interested in the nature of signs in our lives, but they developed different theoretical frameworks. Saussure is better known as a structuralist while Peirce is, according to his followers, a proponent of pragmatics (Parmentier 1987, 1994 and 1997).
Saussurean structuralist semiotics focuses on the binary relation within signs between a ‘signifier’ and a ‘signified’, though there is no compulsory relation between the form of the signifier and its signified reference. The meaning of signs is derived from ‘differences’ or contrasts within a wider, total, synchronic, or timeless system. The Saussurean view has provided researchers in various areas with an explicit theoretical framework and the results, in many instances, have been marvellous. In the study of culture, Lévi-Strauss (Levi-Strauss 1968-1977) is the most prominent descendant of Saussurean semiotics. The utility of binary logic is seen most clearly in his famous essay on “The Story of Asdiwal”. Lévi-Strauss developed linguistics-based Saussurean semiotics into structuralist anthropology by drawing on aspects of Russian formalism in his analysis of the story. The result is a schema or model. Unlike Saussure, who was deeply concerned with linguistic models, Lévi-Strauss goes further by proposing a model of social behaviour or social structure. A structure in Lévi-Strauss’s view is similar to Saussure’s concept of ‘deep structure’ in language which provides a ‘schema’ or a cognitive framework for the ordering of meaning. In other words, Lévi-Strauss and Saussure are more interested in studying the structure of phenomena on a synchronic level (langue) than phenomena in use (parole). Pragmatic semiotics (the study of phenomena in use) is derived from the theory of signs introduced by Peirce. He stresses the importance of semiosis in which signs can grow as human culture grows. Unlike Saussure who freezes the sign in synchronic analysis, Peirce locates signs within process and points explicitly to the importance of the ‘interpretant’. This view is very important in understanding the complexity of culture, particularly in the post-modern and post-colonial period where Saussurean and Lévi-Straussean views of cognitive patterns are challenged by the rapidity of social and cultural transformations. For Peirce, the sign is accordingly fluid rather than frozen.
To comprehend Peirce’s semiotics we have to know his main doctrine of the sign. According to Peirce, “A sign, or representamen, is something which stands to somebody for something in some respect or capacity…” (Noth 1990: 42) Accordingly, there are three conditions that permit a phenomenon to qualitfy as a sign. First, it should be come to our perception. Second, it should refer to a referent, and third, it should be interpretable or generate interpretation. Furthermore, signs should be anchored in a context and in time. The Saussurean paradigm omits agency or the subject in the process of semiosis, but Peirce opens the way to research on the interpretations made by people. (Rochberg-Halton 1986: 45-70)
Later theoretical investigation reveals that a process of signification not only deals with the conventionalised relation between signifier and signified but also other kinds of relations which provide the framework for other unintentional signs, both linguistic and non-linguistic (Eco 1979: 190-216). In other words, a process of communication cannot always be assumed to have just a ‘sender’ and ‘receiver’. The signification can be actively engaged without the existence of a sender. In this regard, Clifford Geertz (1973) asserts
…what Lévi-Strauss has made for himself is an infernal culture machine. It annuls history, reduces sentiment to a shadow of the intellect, and replaces the particular mind of particular savages in particular jungles with the Savage Mind immanent in us all (1973:355).
In his Religion of Java (1960/1976) Clifford Geertz answers the shortcomings of Saussurean structuralism by utilising local knowledge. Unlike Lévi-Strauss and Saussure, he focuses on parole rather than langue. The variants of Javanese religion are a fabulous example of his phenomenological framework. If we follow structuralist semiotics, the main project in Pamijahan would focus on linear and contrastive analyses of signs, finding the regularity underlying the system of signs functioning in the area. It would be like studying a building by making inventories, classifications and generalisations in order to get a view of the structure behind the building. This project would not be interested in the ‘cultivation’ of signs where the building might later be used by other tenants, or be sold, or even be neglected. Yet, in reality there is much opportunity for the owner of the signs and for the receiver of the signs to negotiate or to make transactions regarding the building, or structure. This does not mean that our knowledge of the formal regulation of the building is unnoteworthy. It is just a choice we make.
There is no room in this volume to detail further the intersections and disjunctions between the views of Saussure and Peirce. I am not concerned with the debate about the nature of signs but rather will refer to their work in general terms for the important insights it gives into the signification process in the society of Pamijahan. The utility of Peircean semiotics in studying culture, to some extent, has been drawn upon by Turner (1967) and Geertz (1976) even though these masters of ‘cultural performative’ and ‘interpretative’ analysis do not mention explicitly the connection between their analytical frameworks and Peirce’s work (Parmentier 1997: 13-14). Both Turner and Geertz apply an analytical framework that to some extent displays triadic concepts similar to those of Peirce (Colapietro 1996, Mertz 1985). Accordingly both Turner and Geertz can also be located in the domain of pragmatism where the problem of ‘subject’ or ‘agency’ is central. Geertz’s fascinating ‘thick description’ is seen as a preliminary semiotic project in anthropology. As argued by Parmentier (Parmentier 1997), Geertz’ interpretative study is lacking in the area of epistemology.
His work does not advance the technical grasp of semiotic anthropology. His work does not advance the technical grasp of the types and classification of sign relations; his ethnographic demonstrations fail to explore the structure of semiotic codes as presupposed systems of interpretants. …his focus on textually mediated self-understanding neglects the powerful ways that symbols can be manipulated to constrain, confuse, and control the understanding of those not in a privileged position in a society. The Geertzean program of a ‘natural history of signs and symbols, an ethnography of vehicles of meaning (1983:118) is only the prologue to a full-fledged semiotic anthropology (Parmentier 1997, 13-14).
To follow Parmentier’s argument, Geertz’s interpretive legacy does not provide the student of culture with a strong analytical tool. In my view, Geertz (especially 1993 and 1973) is able to fill a gap in the Saussurean tradition by accessing local knowledge, making it a cultural category that can be compared and tested by other scholars or researchers. However, Geertz’s lack of explicit analytical unities (Geertz 1973) makes his interpretative program difficult to imagine for the student of semiotics or anthropology. His famous categorisation of the variants of Javanese religion is a good example of how problematic this issue can be. Recent studies argue that what has been drawn by Geertz in the Religion of Java, the santri, priyayi, and abangan categories, are not strict iconic or indexical signs referring to certain domains in Javanese culture but rather ‘fluid’ and ‘cultivated’ signs (Bachtiar 1992). In my perspective, this gap can be filled by pragmatic semiotics where signs flow through the times.
If customs, or tali paranti are seen as signs, they can be examined in terms of three semiotic levels. The first is as signs as people understand them. The second is the position of the signs in relation to other signs in the same cultural framework. The third is the way signs are used in everyday life. Turner’s ‘ritual forest’ (Turner 1967), for instance, to some extent reflects the triadic dimension of the Peircean sign: icon, index, and symbol (see also Rochberg-Halton 1986; Parmentier 1997).
ayat 1000 dinar
(what do you think?
can he see the signs,
can he understand them?
- did he?
did he see the EC725 coming
or going...going - gone?
can he see where the old men
are going? and can he
do anything about it?)
rabbi zidnil-'ilman
warzuqni fahmaan
amiin.
terima kasih
Kepada Allah Berserah
Saudara,
Yeee laaa..galas sekali dengan skandal2 dan kes2 yang menimbun..
Saya tak rela bakal PM saya banyak skandal dan kes!
UMNO bukan ditadbirurus oleh Presiden seorang. Kita perlu juga Timbalan Presiden, Naib Presiden dan ahli MT yang saling lengkap melengkapi antara satu sama lain. Presiden tak boleh buat apa kalau asyik dibayangi Timbalan yang akan sentiaa mengambil alih atau Naib yang cakap dalam mesyuarat MT lain tapi cakap dengan press lain.
Assalamualaikum Datuk,
Tahniah pada DSNTR kerana berjaya mencapai cita-cita.
Datuk pun mungkin tumpang gembira kerana bakal orang no. satu tiada tandingannya.
Sebenarya kejayaan sesaorang pemimpin bukan terletak kepada jawatan yang disandang tetapi bagaimana dia merealisasikan impian rakyat Malaysia keseluruhannya menjadikan Malaysia yang makmur, aman, senang cari rezeki dan jangan kera dihutan disusukan.
Impian pemimpin tak semesti menjadi impian rakyat. Apa yang kebanyakan rakyat mahu itu lah impian sebenarnya. Tidak perlu banyak menghebah dan mengwar-warkan matlamat dan visi,misi semata-mata untuk menyakinkan rakyat.
Visi dan misi rakyat mudah. Senang cari rezeki,barangan murah,sikap ketelusan,gejala rasuah tidak menular, jenayah kurang,negara aman dan lain-lain perkara asas dalam hidup. Itu saja.
Rakyat tidak mahu orang yang pandai dan bijak bercakap, janji-janji kosong menjadi PM mereka. Kalau benda yang remih temih ini di abaikan, tengoklah nanti apa jadi dengan UMNO dalam PRU 13 nanti. Jangan menang sorak kampung tergadai sudahlah..
Sekian. Sekadar sembang kedai kopi...bukan prajudis tetapi berharap optimis terhadap bakal PM.
Salam Datuk.
Betul Sdr antidrM...Malaysia bakal membela biawak hidup!!!
Najib kenalah buktikan pada seluruh rakyat Malaysia yang dia mampu menggalas tanggungjawab sebagai ketua pemimpin dan tidak hanya berkata-kata sahaja.kata-kata perlu diiringi dengan bukti.
skandal-skandal yang Najib hadapi sekarang mampu menggugat peluangnya untuk menjadi PM nanti.Raja Petra telah dibenarkan untuk menjadi saksi untuk kes Atlantuya.jika semua ada yang dikatakan oleh Raja Petra mengenai pembabitan Najib dengan Atluntaya adalah benar,tidak mustahil Najib akan ditolak dari menjadi PM.
Hampir semua pencalunan menjurus kepada satu pilihan. Rumusannya ia adalah kehendak akar umbi. Ia juga simbolik kepada gambaran ahli-ahli yang bersatu. Itulah harapan ahli-ahli sebenarnya terutama yang tidak berkesempatan atau berpeluang untuk mensuratkat apa yang tersirat dalam hasrat akar umbi.
Di satu sudut lain pula, dada-dada akhbar menyatakan keluhan, keresahan, ketidakpuasan hati ramai pemimpin tentang keujudan politik wang. Hasrat dan kekeciwaan ahli-ahli terbanyak hanya Allah yang tahu. Semestinya fenomena ini mencacatkan pernyataan bahawa pemilihan menggambarkan 'amanah kepercayaan akar umbi'. Inilah mungkin yang dikatakan yang tersirat dan tersurat tidak bertepatan.
Pun demikian, ini mungkin merupakan peluang terbaik untuk membuat perubahan, islah , reinvent, reform dan yang seerti dengannya.
Inilah juga masanya pemimpin yang "dipilih" meyakinkan kepada semua dengan membersihkan cemar-cemar peribadi, cemar-cemar parti, cemar-cemar pentadbiran dari amanah kepercayaan akar umbi dengan sesuatu yang bukan sahaja bersih malah jelad dilihat suci agar tiada lagi sangsi.
Semua rakyat akan merasa lebih selamat, selesa, berpuas hati serta berbangga jika negara mempunya barisan pemimpin-pemimpin yang berakhlak tinggi, bijaksana dan saksama. Di kacamata dunia kita tidak diperlekeh. Just like Tun perhaps.
Sdr Ruhanie Ahmad,
Family ties take root in Malaysian politics
Reuters
Tuesday, November 4, 2008
By Jalil Hamid and Niluksi Koswanage
Politics often appears to be a family affair in Asia with Pakistan's Bhuttos, India's Gandhis and the Lees in Singapore; now Malaysia looks set to join the party.
Najib Razak, the 55-year-old son of Malaysia's second premier and the nephew of the third, will take the helm in March at a time when this Asian nation of 27 million people grapples with economic problems and rising political and ethnic tensions.
Another rising star of the party that has ruled Malaysia for all 51 years of its existence as a country is Mukhriz Mahathir, the son of its longest-serving prime minister, Mahathir Mohamad.
On the opposition benches in parliament sits Nurul Izzah Anwar and her father, veteran politician Anwar Ibrahim. Anwar is a former deputy premier who once looked set for the top job until he was kicked out of the ruling party and jailed on what he says were false charges.
"There is an Asian belief that political power can be passed on to the next generation through bloodline," said James Chin, political science professor at Monash University in Malaysia.
Critics say the sense that blood entitles a person to exercise power has generated corruption, stymied development and hampered good government.
More often than not, the progeny of political leaders fail to live up to the family name.
"If Malaysians or foreigners expect Najib to be like his father as PM, they will be greatly disappointed," said Abdullah Ahmad, a political author and a former aide to Najib's father.
Najib, who has a bachelor's degree in economics, will take over at a time when a re-energised opposition led by Anwar is seeking to gain power and when economic growth is skidding due to global financial turmoil.
Adding to his troubles, Najib will need to address Malaysia's failure to keep up with more nimble neighbours in the competitiveness and investment stakes.
Growth in Malaysia's export-oriented economy looks set to fall to 3.4 percent next year, the lowest since 2001. The budget deficit has soared due to spending on fuel subsidies and national infrastructure projects, according to the Malaysian Institute for Economic Research, a leading think-tank.
"I pity Najib. He's taking over from the worst of times and from a man who messed things up," said Abdullah Ahmad, referring to the outgoing premier Abdullah Ahmad Badawi.
FAMILY AFFAIR
Najib has been in parliament since the tender age of 22 when he took over the seat of his father, who died in office. He has held posts in the sports, education and defence ministries and now holds the powerful finance portfolio.
His father Abdul Razak Hussein designed Malaysia's race-based system which was supposed to help ethnic Malays climb the economic ladder and compete against the more entrepreneurial ethnic Chinese population. His uncle, Hussein Onn is credited with forging unity among the races during his premiership.
Najib's family links run to the heart of politics and business; his cousin is education minister and his younger brother Nazir runs Malaysia's second-largest bank CIMB.
Najib's recent move on the top job has been marked by continued attacks on his integrity by the opposition and by Internet bloggers obsessed with a lurid murder trial that involved Najib's former aide. The aide was acquitted, but not before Najib had to issue statements denying involvement.
Many political observers believe Najib may simply owe too much to too many people to stake out a separate political identity. He still needs to win a party election to take the top job, although he appears to have no real competition.
"He (Najib) was coddled and helped all along, first by his uncle Hussein Onn and then by Mahathir, the man who owed a debt of gratitude to his father," said Zainon Ahmad, political editor of the local Sun newspaper.
"Only now I think Najib has to be on his own," he said.
MAHATHIR'S SHADOW LOOMS LARGE
When he took the reins of power in 2003, current prime minister Abdullah looked like a tonic for a country that had grown tired of Mahathir's 22-year rule.
Mahathir dragged Malaysia towards developed nation status, oversaw the building of the iconic Petronas towers in Kuala Lumpur, and guided the country through the Asian financial crisis of the late 1990s. Yet his long rule was also criticised for the growth of cronyism and its failure to help poor Malays.
Abdullah seemed to have laid the ghost of Mahathir to rest in 2004 when the Barisan Nasional coalition, led by his United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) party, scored its biggest election success on promises to end corruption.
That success turned to dust in elections in March this year when the opposition stunned the government by depriving it of its customary two-thirds majority in parliament, which means it can no longer automatically change the country's constitution.
Mahathir has since turned on Abdullah, sniping from the sidelines when the premier cancelled some of his massive infrastructure projects. He resigned from UMNO, swearing not to return until Abdullah was ousted.
In a further twist to that feud, Mukhriz Mahathir is battling Abdullah's son-in-law Khairy Jamaluddin for the leadership of UMNO's influential youth wing, a staging post to the party presidency and the premiership of the country.
That political battle is a sign that dynasty politics will be around for a long time to come, worrying some Malaysians who feel the country is governed neither by them, nor for them.
"The ones that keep coming back for more are the sons, daughters and grandchildren of yesteryear's leaders," said a comment posted on political blog www.bakrimusa.com.
"It is, to them, their birthright to be accorded such positions as their fathers and forefathers. If you are not born to 'the families', then you must marry into one!"
(Editing by Megan Goldin)
(Just like Tun Sdr Abunawas said: do you think you know this Najib well, Sdr Ruhanie? I think Mahathir knows what I think; and I don't think Perdana Foundation can contain him much less Ethos boys can catch up to him. But that is just half of it - the problem. Beauty is in the eye of the beholder, is a good piece of advice, I think.)
Kepada Allah Berserah
Ybhg Dato', Saya percaya, keupayaan YAB Dato' Najib meraih 100% pencalonan untuk jawatan Presidan UMNO baner-benar melambangkan kehendak akar umbi ( baru betul akar umbi..berbanding kes yang lain)
Dengan jumlah pencalonan tersebut membuktikan majoriti ahli UMNO menolak pelbagai perkara negatif mengenai beliau namun pihak 'lawan' mempercayainya.
Begitu juga dengan kes liwat DSAI dengan Saifu dan lain-lain kes yang melibatkan pembangkang,majoriti pembangkang menolaknya namun pihak UMNO menerimanya...
Jadi timbul persoalan...kenapa ini berlaku, pihak manakah yang mengamalkan politik sempit dan adakah untuk mempertahankan parti dan perjuangan, perkara yang harampun akan ditukarkan menjadi HALAL ?
Dalam kes DSAI dan Saiful,pendakwaan telah dilakukan berdasarkan bukti-bukti.Namun pada DSNTR, tidak ada pendakwaan malah cerita tersebut hanya berpandukan akuan bersumpah dan penulisan dari blok.Kenapa kes DSAI ditolak manakala kes DSNTR diterima ?
Begitu juga dengan kes rasuah melibatkan EXCO Perak...sedangkan kes-kes yang melibatkan UMNO dicanang dan diperkatakan seolah-olah benar w/pun masih dalam proses mahkamah.
Antara pembebasan Raja Petra dengan masih penahanan pemimpin HINDRAF...pasti ada sebab dan musabab.Payahkah untuk mepercayai keadilan dalam Sistem Kehakiman Negara? Kes DSAI kekal di mahkamah seksyen...buktinya.
Buat...
cucupakkasim,nawawidahlan,antidrm,
anakbuah , buatlah interpertasi anda !!! yakinlah dan percayalah keupayaan negara memecut ke tahap sekarang adalah dengan izin Allah dan perancangan yang tepat serta bersepadu kepimpinan negara dengan dibantu oleh semua pihak termasuk juga pihak pembangkang.
Dan carilah mana-mana negara yang anda rasa lebih baik dari negara kita...
Akhirnya hayati dan fahmilah:
Ucapan John McCain slps kekalahan kepada Barrack Obama,"Rasa kecewa adalah perkara biasa, tapi esok dan seterusnya kita mesti bekerjasama untu negara".Nyata beliau berintegrasi,bersifat kekitaan dan bertanggung jawab, w/pun bukan beragama Islam dan Melayu.
Renung-renungkanlah..
Kg Dewan Beta,KB,Kel
Post a Comment